Theses and Dissertations (Political Sciences)

Permanent URI for this collectionhttp://hdl.handle.net/2263/32443

Browse

Now showing 1 - 20 of 308

BRICS, club diplomacy and South Africa’s geopolitical repositioning
(University of Pretoria, 2017) Zondi, Siphamandla; Du Plessis, Anton; francoistheron882@gmail.com; Theron, François Jacques
This study sets out to explore whether South Africa’s membership of the BRICS forum serves the country’s national interests. More particularly this examination is approached from the perspective of the motivations given by South African policymakers for joining the forum. In this regard, the indications are that the South African Government views the implications of its membership of the forum quite differently from the foreign policy approaches indicated by Brazil and India, the two other democracies belonging to the forum. What comes to light in examining the decision to adhere to BRICS is that although South Africa views this as part and parcel of its commitment to multilateral diplomacy in a multipolar world, it also sees BRICS as a counterweight to the developed Western powers and therefore as a useful mechanism for undermining the existing Western liberal international order. South Africa’s apparent enthusiasm for undermining the liberal order is not shared to the same extent by Brazil and certainly not by India. Indeed, the evidence suggests instead that India regards BRICS as a “counterpoise” and “partner” to the existing Western multilateral processes. On the other hand, when in 2009 Russia convened the first BRIC heads of states summit at Yekaterinburg, Moscow was experiencing a period of increasing isolation from the West. It was therefore in Moscow’s interest to signal that there was an alternative to a West-dominated global order. This need became even more important for Russia in 2015 after the start of the Ukraine and Crimean crises. An important narrative coming out of the BRICS Ufa Summit in 2015 was that Eurasia is a new centre of economic and political gravity, where Russia and China can peacefully cooperate without United States interference. Similarly, in recent years China has been changing its low-profile image to one of a more assertive power, manifesting policies that vary from being status quo orientated to anti-status quo – in other words acting as a revisionist power though perhaps not to the same extent as Russia – and pushing against the West. Yet, China’s newfound assertiveness has been particularly manifest in the Asia-Pacific region to the extent that the outbreak of great power armed conflict in that region, whether accidental or otherwise, cannot be excluded. In addition, China’s “One Belt, One Road” (OBOR) project, is also likely to be one of Beijing’s principal foreign policy focus areas for the next five to ten years and this is another manifestation of the country’s newfound assertiveness carrying as it does significant geopolitical implications for the future. Seen against the background of these new geopolitical developments, BRICS has a utility for both Moscow and Beijing as the forum offers both Russia and China a political and diplomatic buffer zone between themselves and the West. Research indicates that India’s approach to BRICS is non-ideological, but nevertheless regards its membership of the forum as imperative in view of China’s presence therein. Relations between India and China, and between these two countries and Russia, have a different character from just normal or routine bilateral relations and tend to take on existential overtones. Accordingly, the relationship between these three countries has been characterised as ambivalent. All this suggests that national interest considerations were as important as notions of multilateralism when the BRICS countries, initially four then five, chose to adhere to the association or forum. Although in BRICS South Africa has committed itself to a variation of alliance politics, the country has consequently also effectively exposed itself to old fashioned power politics, particularly as far as Russia and China are concerned. At the same time, as the study highlights, because South Africa is only a middle power by committing itself wholeheartedly to BRICS, even describing BRICS as the country’s principal platform for relations with the global South, the negative side-effect of BRICS membership has been to limit the country’s foreign policy options and strategic manoeuvrability. BRICS membership has therefore not come cost-free. The study highlights that South Africa’s decision to join BRICS was to a great extent ideologically driven and it is not evident that adequate cost-benefit and evidence-based foreign policy analysis was undertaken prior to accession. As indicated in the study, the BRICS concept of diplomacy is described by some scholars as constituting a new innovation in global governance. Yet, BRICS is located within a variant of multilateral diplomacy known as club diplomacy which has a long lineage going back to the 19th Century. Club diplomacy is essentially state-centric and the very epitome of state-centric club diplomacy would appear to be the BRICS. The state-centric aspects of BRICS help explain why South Africa applied for BRICS membership and why South Africa sees BRICS as a natural fit. However, club diplomacy also has drawbacks as it lacks the rules and protections provided by formal multilateral and inter-governmental organisations to smaller and middle powers, particularly when they choose to associate themselves closely with the diplomacy of great or major powers, and this places South Africa in a dilemma. Seen from the perspective of the classical geopolitical theories of Sir Halford Mackinder’s Heartland and Nicholas Spykman’s Rimland, the study demonstrates that BRICS constitutes the very opposite of the United States’ Cold War era strategy of containment which in recent years has been revived in view of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s assertive and muscular foreign policy. This aspect potentially raises problems for South Africa in its diplomatic relations with its traditional and historic partners in the developed North but without bringing additional advantages to its diplomatic relations with its partner countries in Africa. It is therefore open to doubt whether BRICS significantly benefits South Africa’s national interests. The study recommends that South Africa sheds its ideological bias and recalibrates its foreign policy by taking into account the complexities of contemporary international politics. This does not necessarily involve leaving BRICS, which could lead to further loss of prestige by the country, but it does require adopting a more independent approach particularly as regards Russia and China. Inescapably tied to this recommendation is that South Africa focuses on how its foreign relations could facilitate its own economic growth and job creation. South Africa’s trade with the BRICS economies is largely with China but this has been at the expense of the de-industrialisation of the South African economy and the loss of tens of thousands of manufacturing jobs. It is essential that South Africa moves its economy up the value chain and as far as possible escapes the commodities rut for an economy benefits most from the type of advanced intra-industry trade which characterises much of South Africa’s trade with the European Union and the United States. South Africa should, therefore, improve its somewhat frayed relations with its traditional Western partners and desist from looking at the world only through a BRICS-prism. From a diplomatic perspective it would be prudent for South Africa to factor in the possibility that BRICS’ future is uncertain. South Africa should carefully monitor developments in the United States and China closely as they both significantly influence world politics and the global economy. South Africa should also refocus on its African Agenda which for some years now has lost momentum as well as political support both from South Africa and from other African states. For South Africa’s security and economic growth also depend on a stable and economically productive Africa and Southern Africa. Finally, South Africa should strive to restore its domestic governance practices to an acceptable level and to once again advance a rules-based international system which, inter alia, would enable South Africa to resume its role as a bridge-builder which previously earned it much diplomatic prestige.
Pastoralist conflict in Ethiopia from 2015 to 2022 : climate change and food insecurity as exacerbating factors
(University of Pretoria, 2024-07) Blake, Robin; srmandlenkosimoyo@gmail.com; Moyo, Mandlenkosi Makhayeni
This study explores how climate change and food insecurity account for an exacerbation in conflict involving pastoralists in Ethiopia from 2015 to 2022. Because of Ethiopia’s geographical setting, terrain and over-reliance on rainfed agriculture the nation is extremely susceptible to climate change. The increase in temperatures and recurring droughts due to climate change have resulted in a drastic decline in crop yields and reduced pastures. The study focused on pastoralists in the Somali region and analysed conflicts with pastoralists from its neighbouring regional states that it shares borders with. The conflicts analysed were between the Somali-Afar and Somali-Oromia pastoralist communities between 2015 and 2022. Due to a lack of natural resources, these communities have been historically contesting territories along shared borders. The impact of conflicts on food and livelihood security of these pastoralist communities was also considered. The study finds that the Somali region of Ethiopia has suffered the most from climate change induced droughts and famine from 2015-2022 due to the arid harsh climate which has forced the communities to find alternative strategies of surviving these droughts. Not only did the study provide evidence of the link between climate change induced droughts and famines, food insecurity and livelihood insecurity, but it linked all these to conflicts among pastoralists communities. The research concludes that climate change and food insecurity significantly exacerbated conflict among pastoralist communities in Ethiopia between 2015 to 2022.
Evaluating South Africa's policy and institutional frameworks to combat terrorism : implications for security sector reform
(University of Pretoria, 2024-05-31) Isike, Christopher; michael.thekiso@gmail.com; Thekiso, Ramotlhantsweng Michael Gilbert
If the stability of the Southern African region is to be maintained, the ability to combat and prevent terrorism should be of utmost importance to South Africa. The lack of significant terrorist attacks in the region is likely to entice the authorities into a state of complacency, and denial, potentially resulting in a failure to take action. This may provide an opportunity for terrorists to launch attacks in South Africa, which has become a preferred destination for terrorists. The question of its readiness for a terrorist attack, therefore, becomes ever relevant. The primary objective of the study is to evaluate the effectiveness of South Africa’s policy and institutional framework to combat and prevent terrorism in South Africa as perceived by senior officers in the South African National Defence Force (SANDF). The study uses the institutional theory as its primary theoretical framework to assess the institutions responsible for countering terrorism. It additionally identifies South Africa’s anti-terrorism legislation and relevant institutions responsible for combatting and preventing terrorism. It further evaluates the institutions’ history in preventing terrorism, as well as their state of readiness in case of probable attacks. Importantly, the study measures the respondents’ perceptions regarding the institutions’ ability to quell a terrorist attack. This study utilised an explanatory sequential mixed method approach, which involved surveying 280 senior officers from the SANDF. The respondents were selected using a probability sampling technique known as simple random sampling. An additional 19 academics and security practitioners were chosen using a non-probability random method, purposive sampling method. Semi-structured interviews were used for this purpose. The quantitative data was analysed using the IBM SPSS computer software’s descriptive statistics. The qualitative data, on the other hand, was analysed using the thematic analysis approach. These elements were integrated and interpreted simultaneously. The study’s key finding is that there appears to be a general lack of public trust and confidence in the capacity of government institutions and the anti-terrorism policy framework to effectively combat and prevent terrorism in South Africa. This can be vii attributed to the perceived high levels of corruption in certain government institutions, institutional dysfunctionality, and a general apathy towards the government. Furthermore, inadequate communication regarding terrorism may have adversely impacted the respondents’ views on the government’s capacity to address a terrorist threat in South Africa. This finding is suggestive of a need for a holistic approach to security sector reform in order to effectively combat terrorism in South Africa.
Evaluating William Gumede's elements of democratic deficit as an adverse feature of liberation movements in government : the case of the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa
(University of Pretoria, 2024-04-25) Henwood, Roland; vdwalt.p72@gmail.com; Van der Walt, Philippus
The research in this dissertation consists of a critical literature study and evaluation of William Gumede’s (2017) elements of democratic deficit as a feature of liberation movements. Examining the political culture of the ANC within the theoretical framework presented by Gumede (2017), three research questions are addressed in relation to the applicability of Gumede’s framework on the political cultures of liberation movements, the impact thereof on the decline in legitimacy and voter support for the ANC in South Africa, and the primary elements of democratic deficit demonstrated by the ANC which have impacted on democratic consolidation in South Africa since 1994.
A critical analysis of the US-China geopolitical contest in the Indo-Pacific region : implications for Africa's regional inclusion
(University of Pretoria, 2024-04-02) Isike, Christopher; u22831712@tuks.co.za; Mmako, Mmamashilo Herminah
The Indo-Pacific region holds significant and strategic geopolitical importance in the 21st century. It is in the region that the US-China strategic contest is prevalent, driven by economic, security, and geopolitical interests. This strategic contest implicates Africa, fostering strategic synergies in the broader Indo-Pacific. Although the US-China rivalry is the centrepiece of the geopolitical discourses of the Indo-Pacific, other major powers such as Australia, India, Japan, and ASEAN also influence regional dynamics. It is for this reason that the strategic US-China rivalry implicates regional members who also contest for power and influence in the broader Indo-Pacific with the extension of synergies with the African littoral nations in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). This study provides a critical analysis of the US-China geopolitical contest in the Indo-Pacific region and its implications for Africa’s regional inclusion. It argues that African littoral nations of the IOR are largely excluded in the regional framework and discourses of the Indo-Pacific. Also, the continent is marginalized in the Indo-Pacific strategic visions and conceptions of key stakeholders such as the United States and Australia whose regional construct excludes the Western Indian Ocean (WIO) region while the Association of Southeast Asia (ASEAN) has an ambiguous construct of the Indo-Pacific. This geopolitical exclusion implies that Africa is left out of the strategic forums and initiatives of the Indo-Pacific such as the ASEAN Regional Forum (ASEAN-ARF) and the United States Indo-Pacific Command (US-INDOPACOM). Through the use of a qualitative methodology and content analysis technique, the study examined this geopolitical exclusion and explored strategic opportunities for Africa’s regional inclusion. This is done within tenets of the theory of new regionalism which the study adopted as a theoretical framework of its critical analysis to explain Africa’s geopolitical exclusion in the Indo-Pacific region. New regionalism theory argues for regional multilateralism and aims to create non-hegemonic regions while supporting international cooperation. The analysis of the study, however, shows that Africa lacks a clear policy focus and a common position in response to the growing significance and synergies within the broader Indo-Pacific. Secondly, the US-China strategic contest in the Indo-Pacific region and Africa serves as a strategic pathway for the inclusion of the continent in the region; regional members such as India and Japan also play a crucial role in Africa’s inclusion in the region. Concluding that Africa’s regional inclusion in the Indo-Pacific presents economic, security, and geopolitical opportunities for the continent that cannot be ignored, the study recommends, amongst others, that Africa develops an Indo-Pacific Outlook/Strategy guided by the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA)-Indo-Pacific Outlook (IPO) which includes the Eastern and Southern African littoral nations as geographic parts of the Indo-Pacific. The IPO should also guide the revision of America and Australia’s Indo-Pacific visions to include Africa to the fore.
The potential of the Great Blue Wall Initiative to achieve human security in the Western Indian ocean region.
(University of Pretoria, 2024-06-23) Schoeman, Maxi; davidwillima116@gmail.com; Wilima, David
Maritime securitisation is increasingly receiving scholarly attention, particularly regarding its role in protecting national interests and it is therefore being linked to geopolitical and developmental discussions. However, there is a noticeable trend of maritime security being focused on traditional security conceptions which neglect human security concerns. This study examines the capacity of the Great Blue Wall (GBW) initiative to attain human security in the Western Indian Ocean (WIO) region through the development of a human security framework centred around the ocean and focused on five dimensions of human security: Environmental Security, Food Security, Economic Security, Health Security and Political Security. The study uses this approach to evaluate the GBW's ability to enhance human security in the WIO. The results suggest that the GBW, through its three-pronged objectives of climate action, biodiversity restoration and promotion of a blue economy has great potential to attain human security by tackling the complex obstacles encountered by coastal communities. Nevertheless, it is crucial to acknowledge that the GBW is not a panacea and its benefits might be compromised by evolving geopolitical factors. Hence, it is imperative to supplement the GBW with additional regional initiatives to enhance maritime safety and mitigate pollution in the WIO. The Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) and the International Maritime Organisation (IMO) have the potential to significantly contribute to the support and enhancement of the GBW's aims. By adopting a comprehensive and cooperative strategy, the WIO region may strive to attain sustained human security and protect the welfare of its coastal populations. These regional initiatives can help address the specific challenges faced by the WIO region, such as illegal fishing, piracy, and oil spills. By collaborating with IORA and IMO, the WIO countries can benefit from capacity sharing, additional resources, and regional coordinated efforts to ensure that effective maritime safety and security measures are in place. Additionally, these initiatives can also promote sustainable development and economic growth in the region by facilitating trade and promoting responsible maritime practices
An examination of Mugabe’s look east policy, 2003-2017 : an AfroCentric perspective
(University of Pretoria, 2024-05-20) Blake, Robin; Bizos, Anthony; domain.molebeledi@gmail.com; Maphaka, Dominic
Zimbabwe-China relations have elicited attention from the media, academics, and scholarly literature. Since the introduction of Zimbabwe’s unwritten Look East Policy in 2003 and its implementation until the ousting of Mugabe in 2017, the two countries deepened relations in various sectors with the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, serving as a platform, thus it continues to shape the two countries' relationship on a broader level. Mugabe-led Zimbabwe sought refuge in the Asian giant, in the face of a Western economic and political onslaught, which culminated in economic woes for the Southern African country. The literature in this area has focused primarily on the benefits and challenges that ensued from the introduction of this Policy. Considering that the individual decision-maker has been neglected by studies concerning the Policy, this exploratory qualitative research examines the role played by Mugabe in the formulation and implementation of Zimbabwe’s unwritten Look East Policy. Guided by the underutilised Behaviourist approach in foreign policy analysis, the study draws data from both primary and secondary sources to show the role played byMugabe in Zimbabwe’s foreign policy.
Analysing protests through the prism of constructive patriotism: the EndSARS and Black Lives Matter movements in focus
(University of Pretoria, 2024-05-23) Isike, Christopher; u21594318@tuks.co.za; Ekup-Nse, Daniel
The rise of nationwide protests across many countries in the world has the potential to make or mar such countries. While research has greatly focused on the character, impact, common and unique factors that instigate such protests, what is evidently lacking is an explicit delineation of such protests within the prisms of constructive patriotism rooted in constitutional values. This gap in research does not allow for adequate analysis and understanding of specific protests by the public and the government, whose response to such protests can stimulate or condense the constructive patriotic verve of its citizens. Therefore, this study addresses the following questions: Is there a theoretical basis for constructive patriotism? What qualifies a protest to be categorised as constructive patriotism? And, what are the implications of categorising protest as a constructive patriotism? This study addresses the above by analysing, within the context of constructive patriotism, two spates of protests that took place in democratic countries: the EndSars in Nigeria and Black Lives Matter (BLM) in the United States. The qualitative case study methodology was adopted for this study. Data was obtained from primary and secondary sources. Constitutional patriotism, which advocates for citizens’ loyalty to a liberal democratic constitution and/or the shared national values and beliefs, was applied as a theoretical base to justify constructive patriotism over expectations of blind patriotism.
Power transition theory as naval diplomatic practice : an analysis of the United States of America and the people's Republic of China in the Indian ocean from 2017 - 2023
(University of Pretoria, 2023-11-10) Blake, Robin; khasasibusiso@gmail.com; Khasa, Sibusiso
China, as a rising power in the global system, has been increasing its naval presence in the Indian Ocean and the establishment of the country’s first-ever naval base in Djibouti further raised concerns from the dominant state in the international system, which is the United States of America. Moreover, the Chinese presence in the Indian Ocean has fuelled the debate of an ongoing transfer of power between a rising China and the US. This study contends that the naval diplomatic practices of the US and Chinese navies in the Indian Ocean, which includes port calls, senior visits, establishing bases, and bilateral and multilateral exercises with Djibouti, India, and Pakistan, partially account for a macro transition of power involving both countries.
South Africa's influence in multilateral organisations : a case study of the proposal for a TRIPS waiver at the WTO
(University of Pretoria, 2023-11-06) Bizos, Anthony; nthabi24@gmail.com; Malefane, Mpe Nthabiseng
The COVID-19 pandemic occurred at a time that multilateral cooperation was confronted with legitimacy, accountability, and representation deficits. It was in this environment that South Africa and India presented a proposal for a waiver at the World Trade Organisation (WTO), on the Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) provisions with regards to COVID-19 vaccines, diagnostics, and therapeutics. The reaction of the various global key players to the proposal was a further indication of the deficits in the system. This study explores the question of “is South Africa, as an emerging power, influential in the system of global governance?” The joint proposal that South Africa and India put forward at the WTO is used as a case study. The attributes of emerging powers and their role in multilateral organisations have been considered as indicative of South Africa’s status. A description of the key concepts was incorporated to provide the context for analysis of South Africa’s subsequent behaviour at the WTO. The reactions of the WTO member states and regional groups which opposed the waiver proposal, notably the European Union, indicates that the system of global governance is still largely influenced by developed countries. The final Decision was a compromise that carefully balanced the interests of all WTO member states. It was, however, significant that the WTO managed to reach consensus and adopt a Decision that binds all of its member states.
Analysis of South Africa’s response to COVID-19 through the securitization theory
(University of Pretoria, 2024-02) Henwood, Roland David; sthela@citypower.co.za; Thela, Sergeant A.
The study aimed to analyse South Africa’s response to COVID-19 and if it constituted a securitization act. To securitize means a securitizing actor elevates an issue beyond politics by treating it as an existential threat and adopt emergency and extra-ordinary measures to manage it. The study employed the securitization theory and its core elements to analyse President Cyril Ramaphosa's speeches in response to the COVID-19 outbreak to determine if specific words and phrases meet the securitization threshold. The study also explored the de-securitization concept, specifically, in relation to South Africa's COVID-19 alert level system as well as President Ramaphosa's speech to the nation delivered on 4 April 2022 which effectively terminated the national state of disaster and national lockdown. The study concludes that President Ramaphosa securitized COVID-19 to protect the people of South Africa and the economy against the existential threat caused by the virus. The main goal for securitizing COVID-19 was to flatten the curve to allow time for the health system to increase readiness, which was accomplished. The study further reveals that the alert level system created a de-securitization spectrum where the securitization levels were gradually relaxed towards a de-securitized spectrum. The president's speech on 4 April 2022 to terminate the national state of disaster and national lockdown marked a full de-securitization of COVID-19 and a return of the country to normalcy. The study provides a framework, which scholars can use to analyse non-traditional security issues, which may present existential threats to referent objects.
National interest as a determinant of stability in the Eastern Mediterranean Sub-Regional security complex
(University of Pretoria, 2023) Henwood, Roland David; Stiles, Michael; sessop97@gmail.com; Essop, Saphia Hanan
This study explores the question of if and how the protection and promotion of the national interests of two states in a regional security subcomplex affects the stability of the subcomplex itself. The specific case this study utilises is Greek and Turkish relations in the Eastern Mediterranean regional security subcomplex, where both states make up a security complex within the larger RSC of the Eastern Mediterranean. This study considers their relationship by providing historical context to their current political dynamic, coupled with a catalysing element of conflict in the race towards finding hydrocarbon reserves in the region between 2011 and 2021. To answer the research question, this study utilises three primary theoretical frameworks; firstly, Nuechterlein’s National Interests framework in tandem with Bengtsson’s Logic of Interfaces, aid in identifying identify the national interests of both states and the ways in which each state protects and pursues them. Secondly, this study utilises recognition theory in the Logic of Interface to determine the patterns of amity and enmity between the states, alongside the institutions established to mitigate and de-escalate conflict, in order to frame the sub-RSC on the amity/enmity spectrum, as defined by Oskanian. Lastly, this study considers how changes in behaviours of states could potentially affect the stability of the sub-RSC by identifying how much escalation is tolerated before shifting more towards revisionist conflict formations on the amity/enmity spectrum. In the context of this case study, it is determined that this RSC falls between status-quo conflict formations and thin security regimes on the amity-enmity spectrum. In this regard, the risk appetite for conflict in this RSC is broad, due to persistently fluctuating patterns of amity and enmity. However, this RSC has managed to effectively utilise conflict mitigating strategies and security-normalising institutions in order to maintain its position on the amity/enmity spectrum and avoid the collapse of security regimes, altogether ensuring some semblance of stability.
Developing an inclusive national identity in South Africa through an examination of belonging using WW Gqoba and SEK Mqhayi
(University of Pretoria, 2024-02-09) Wolmarans, Frederik Gerhardus; u17403988@up.ac.za; Kumalo, Siseko H.
Examining national identity, belonging and a national culture, this study argues for the theorisation of the political reality in South Africa by analysing the literary landscape of the country. By combining a set of interrelated disciplines, i.e., political theory, history and historiography, philosophy and literature, the study makes the case for a reading and theorising of national culture using the works of historical Black/Indigenous intellectuals whose work was developed using one of the indigenous languages of the country, isiXhosa. Fashioning a national identity, culture and a sense of belonging, it is argued, is possible through a systematic engagement with William Wellington Gqoba and Samuel Edward Krune Mqhayi. Such a process of theory development facilitates a postliberal conception of democracy that works to hold two competing identities—Black/Indigenous and white settler colonial descendent identities—in tandem. This study demonstrates the possibilities of articulating contextually situated democratic articulations and contributes to the advancement of the discipline of political theory. This comes as democracy has received a series of critiques from leading intellectuals in the country, on the basis that it undermines the project of mass liberation intended in the promise of democracy. The study concludes by making a case for the systematic engagement of marginal ontologies insofar as we are invested in fashioning a national identity in post-colonial societies. The proposition is that such an engagement can better position political theory intervention, that attempts to understand the conditions that define the political realities of post-colonies and decolonial efforts.
Multilateralism and vaccine diplomacy : an analysis of Covid-19 practises from August 2020 to July 2022
(University of Pretoria, 2023-09) Henwood, Roland David; lunebotha@gmail.com; Botha, Luné
This qualitative study questions what patterns of multilateral vaccine diplomacy were practised by states to adapt to the challenge of Covid-19 from August 2020 to July 2022. The vaccine diplomacy practises of China, Russia, India, the UK, and the USA within the multilateral domain are analysed through secondary data analysis. These states were selected since literature demonstrates that they are key players in the Covid-19 vaccine manufacturing and production process; they provided a significant amount of Covid-19 vaccine donations and played leading roles in the geopolitical system during Covid-19. The study is further guided by a conceptual framework that touches on the concepts of foreign policy, soft power, diplomacy, global health diplomacy, vaccine nationalism, vaccine diplomacy and multilateralism. The study shows that these nations have adopted a dual-method strategy in vaccine diplomacy—bilaterally and multilaterally—to realise their national interests. These interests are not solely confined to immediate health and immunisation goals but also extend to strategically secure future advantages, such as enhancing their influence or bolstering diplomatic ties within specific regions such as Africa and the East Asia Pacific. This study is significant for practitioners and scholars since it analyses the most significant “givers and receivers” of vaccine diplomacy that sheds light on our current geopolitical context, multilateral state alliances and the intentions behind vaccine diplomacy.
The responsibility to rebuild and Jus Post Bellum : mapping the normative discourse on stabilization in Libya from 2011 to 2020
(University of Pretoria, 2023) Schoeman, Maxi; mabera05@yahoo.com; Mabera, Faith Kerubo
Over the past two decades, stabilization has emerged as a dominant mode of international engagement in conflict-affected areas and fragile settings. The universal quest for a sustainable compact of peace in the aftermath of military interventions has reinvigorated debates in policy and academic circles around the uptake of concepts such as the responsibility to rebuild and jus post bellum; and how they inform the broader debate around moral imperatives to rebuild post-intervention states. This thesis seeks to analyse the convergences and divergences between the responsibility to rebuild and jus post bellum and the extent to which they inform the broader conceptual and normative debates around stabilization and peacebuilding. The case study of Libya, in the aftermath of the 2011 NATO-led intervention, presents an insightful entry point into the ethically charged debate on responsibilities, obligations and duty to rebuild post-intervention societies while shedding light on the contending narratives in the post-conflict normative discourse.
Food safety governance in South Africa : a policy network approach
(University of Pretoria, 2024-01-22) Adelle, Camilla; Korsten, Lise; ze2mkhwa@gmail.com; Mkhwanazi, Ntombizethu Simphiwe
This is a study in public policy focusing on food safety governance. Food safety refers to reducing the risk of individuals becoming sick from foodborne illness through managed handling, preparation, and storage of foods. The main aim of food safety is thus to prevent the food from getting contaminated and posing a risk to the consumer. While food safety governance refers to the policy themselves, the institutions and actors involved in forming, interpreting, implementing, and enforcing the food safety policies. Currently, South African food safety governance appears to be fragmented and ineffective. The study follows a case study approach to best understand food safety governance and identifies governance weaknesses in South Africa. This study hypothesis that food safety in South Africa is dominated by a narrow range of actors in government and industry and that a better outcome could be obtained if a broader range of stakeholders were involved. The study adopts a policy networks approach, which was used in conjunction with the Kaleidoscope Model (KM) to better understand the underlying patterns of interactions between stakeholders. The KM identifies important factors influencing the policy cycle which can influence policy processes in each of the cases, network theory added a valuable layer of analysis by uncovering the complex relationships, dependencies, and interactions among these factors. It provided a more nuanced understanding of the policy ecosystem, facilitating better decision-making, strategic interventions, and policy implementation. The KM and the policy network are intriguing, yet it falls short of acknowledging the concept of power, thus, the political economy addresses this concept at the end of the study. A qualitative research approach is adopted, using a mixed data collection methodology that took place in three phases document analysis, semi-structured interviews, and focus groups from the non-probability sampling. The third phase is a focus group discussion which aim to triangulate and validate the information collected through document analysis and semi-structured interviews. The focus group discussion was in the form of a stakeholder mapping workshop also aimed at filling in the gaps between the two phases. A thematic and content analysis was employed to respond to the research questions. To do this, audio files were transcribed, validated, and read from a holistic perspective to identify emergent themes. The initial coding framework was developed before and about research questions, transcripts reviews, and memos’ insight. All coding was conducted using ATLAS.ti 9 software. The first case study focuses on the agenda-setting and policy design stages of food safety policy, specifically on the compulsory specification for processed meat products. The second case study focuses on the adoption and implementation of food safety regulations in South Africa, with particular emphasis on the Regulation relating to Hygiene Requirements for Premises and Transportation. The third case study focuses on the implementation of Regulations relating to the Hazard Analysis Critical Control Point in the South African food industry. This study shows how fragmented the government food safety actors are and the relationship between the government (and its agencies) and consumers. The food safety responsibilities are shared between three different government departments and food safety agencies. The role and responsibilities of these departments and agencies are specified and remain non-integrated. Hence, the power for influencing decisions is distributed across these departments. Food safety stakeholders in South Africa include government (and its agencies), the food industry, civil society, and research institutions each with a unique role to play in the governance of food safety. Amongst these stakeholders, the government, agencies, and the industry operate in a closed policy network and hold more power over other stakeholders to influence decisions related to policy issues. Stakeholders such as civil society and research institutions are hardly invited to the meetings, and their voices and opinions are considered not important when making policy decisions. This triggers several consequences such as limited representation, lack of transparency, industry bias, and neglected public interest all of which hinder the development and implementation of effective regulations. The South African food safety policy network places the government at the top, with various levels of authority and decision-making power cascading down to provincial and local levels. The South African government is the custodian of the main responsibilities of food safety and therefore, takes on a hierarchical approach to decision-making. However, the Department of Health has decentralised itself by establishing enforcement at lower levels of government i.e., at municipal, metro, or provincial levels. To address the shortcomings of a closed range of actors in government and industry, South African food safety governance should consider opening the decision-making process to a wider group of stakeholders that have a real influence on decision-making. Although this research is beneficial, it is important to note that these networks are constantly changing. The government is constantly evolving and so are the stakeholders. As such, it is important to constantly monitor these networks to ensure that the government can develop meaningful collaborations. As a contribution, this is the first comprehensive and organised evaluation conducted on food safety governance in South Africa, identifying areas of weakness that enable the presentation of holistic recommendations for improving the system. This research contributes to identifying both strong and weak relationships within the network. The study links the KM and policy network to ‘identify’ and ‘explain’ the weaknesses in food safety governance. The study investigates policy networks in a real-world context of food safety in South Africa. The research presented in this study adds valuable insights to the growing body of literature on discussions and exchanges related to food safety governance in South Africa and beyond.
Minor parties and democratic governance in Ghana's fourth republic, 1992 - 2022
(University of Pretoria, 2023-08) Graham, Victoria; ericyobo@gmail.com; Yobo, Eric
Despite the rising interest in party politics in Africa, minor party activism remains largely understudied, particularly in the context of plurality-based two-party systems. This study therefore examined minor parties in Ghana’s emergent two-party system (1992-2022), with the aim of investigating their continued motivation for electoral competition; the constraints on their electoral success; and their contributions to Ghana’s democratic governance. The study was based on a multiple-case study research design, relying on semi-structured in-depth interviews and observation to generate qualitative data on three minor parties in Ghana, namely, the Convention People’s Party (CPP), the People’s National Convention (PNC) and the Progressive People’s Party (PPP). Findings show that despite the minor parties’ limited chance of winning elections, the rationale for competing is largely driven by the affordability of the minor party ticket, opportunities for party patronage, ideological inclination, pursuit of political recognition, amongst others. The identified constraints on the electoral success of the minor parties are grounded predominantly in both institutional and non-institutional factors. The institutional constraints generally include the statutory rules, established norms and conventions pertaining to Ghanaian politics which tend to hinder minor parties’ development; whereas the non-institutional constraints are mostly non-statutory, but prevalent endogenous and exogenous factors, which inhibit the minor parties’ development and electoral viability. Although the electoral impact of the minor parties in Ghana is indeed limited, they contribute to parliamentary enrollment; provide considerable space and alternative opportunities for citizens’ participation in political life; promote constitutionalism and rule of law; influence public policy-making; and augment democratic accountability. Whilst the minor parties are encouraged to harmonize their candidate nominations due to their shared political ideology, institutional reforms such as the adoption of a proportional representation system are recommended to augment their electoral viability and contributions to Ghana’s fourth republican democratic governance.
African maritime security : a human security approach to maritime securitisation - the case for an alternative analytical framework
(University of Pretoria, 2023) Schoeman, Maxi; tshego.ramachela@gmail.com; Ramachela, Tshegofatso
African maritime security in practice, and academically, is gaining significant attention as an area of study. What is overwhelmingly clear is the growing importance of maritime security and its centrality in discourses of geopolitics, development, and human security. In recent years, there has been an observable trend of securitising maritime issues, chief among these has been piracy and armed robbery at sea. Yet, part and parcel of these securitising measures have been implications, often adverse, for the human security and livelihoods of ordinary people. The securitising moves enacted by state officials have in one way or another, disenfranchised and marginalised littoral communities and their needs be it their agency, dignity or livelihoods. Essentially, African communities have been robbed, undermined and subjected to strategies and policies imposed upon them, often without consultation. Arguably, the securitisation of maritime security issues is often done without much thought given to the potential consequences for human security. This study problematises this issue and proposes an alternative analytical framework, pertinent to address maritime insecurity in Africa. Owing to the link between maritime security and human security, approaches to address the former must take into consideration the latter. Where maritime securitisation is enacted, the principles of human security should inform the process. Therefore, this study posits the need for a human security approach to maritime securitisation. The potential merits of this approach are assessed in this study using notable empirical cases, namely those of piracy off the coast of Somalia and illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing in the Gulf of Guinea. Using these cases, the study first explores the manner in which securitisation measures were enacted by a range of actors, in order to ascertain the impact on human security conditions, and to critique the prevailing situation. Thereafter, the study applies the analytical framework developed in this study to the case of Somali piracy in Chapter Three and IUU fishing in Cameroon and Ghana in Chapter Four, to theorise an alternative outcome. This is done with the overarching aim of demonstrating the value and necessity of a human security approach to maritime securitisation toward enhancing non-state participation and agency among local communities, whilst building resilience.
Orphans, vulnerable children and access to basic education with reference to the convention on the rights of the child : the case of Eastern Cape province, South Africa
(University of Pretoria, 2022) Graham, Victoria; Shangase, Mabutho; raychirowa@gmail.com; Chirowamhangu, Raymond
The study examines access to basic education for children, with a special focus on orphans and vulnerable children (OVC) in the Eastern Cape province, South Africa. Access to basic education, if practised effectively, supports the principle of the right to education as stated in Article (28)(a) of the Convention on the Right of the Child (CRC) and Section 29(1) of the Constitution of South Africa, which prescribe that basic education is compulsory for all children. The thesis shows that regional and international treaties; including the Article 11(3)(a) African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (ACRWC), Article 13 of the Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR) and Article 24(2)(a) of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD), promote the right to basic education for all children. This study, which was conducted at the peak of the Covid 19 pandemic, is based on findings obtained from non-governmental organisations (NGOs), primary schools, government institutions, and through online and telephonic interviews. The data was further analysed using data analysis software, Atlas.ti 9. The research embraces a rights-based approach to basic education; which advocates for access to basic education for all children, protects children from all forms of discrimination, and recognises the rights of children with special needs. This research explores the challenges faced by children exposed to children between 0 to 18 years, who lost either or both parents, and are made vulnerable due to poverty, discrimination, disability, domestic violence, HIV/AIDS and harmful cultural practices; such as Ukuthwala and illegal initiation practices, which are common in the Eastern Cape province. Access to basic education is restricted as a result of child marriages and sickness because of HIV/AIDS. The study reveals particular areas of concern in the basic education sector in the Eastern Cape province, which include: poor learning infrastructures, the existence of pit latrine toilets, lack of psychosocial support for OVCs, and discrimination. The research demonstrates how the CRC finds expression at the domestic level in South Africa with regard to OVC access to basic education in the Eastern Cape province. The CRC, the state has an unequivocal role to play in respecting, protecting, and fulfilling the rights of all children including OVCs, but the research reveals that primary schools, Early Childhood Development (ECD) Centers, special schools, and NGOs in the Eastern Cape, especially in the rural areas, have received minimal support from the government. Moreover, there is lack of political will on improving access to basic education, coupled with poor management and chronic leadership instability have been a major hindrance on the right to basic education OVCs in this province. Consequently, this researcher recommends that a much more active stance be taken to advocate for the right to basic education of OVC, increased sensitization to children rights through the use of media to highlight the challenges in the rural communities in Eastern Cape province, and the creation of a conducive legal and political environment to promote the role of NGOs and grassroots community organisations in education projects and programmes to support OVC.
Curriculum and national identity in South Africa : examining the representation of national identity in the public school curriculum
(University of Pretoria, 2023-08) Wolmarans, Frederik Gerhardus; tshegofatsolekitlane@icloud.com; Lekitlane, Tshegofatso
The importance for a country to have a national identity that is inclusive and a representation of all citizens is pivotal. National identity in post-apartheid South Africa has risen to the top of the national agenda. However, the creation and adoption of national identity in a country such as South Africa is complex and this is because South Africa has a society which is immersed in diversity. Thus, the task of creating a national identity that is inclusive and aware of diversity is important. National identity in South Africa is aspirational. It details who we as a country wish to become. It encompasses the national values and ideals that should reside in the hearts of South Africa’s people. However, for these national values and ideals to reside in the hearts and minds of citizens, they need to be taught. Thus, educational spaces (i.e., curriculum) have been identified as avenues that will enable this to take place. However, because of its inspirational note, defining national identity in South Africa is difficult. This study uses the preamble of the Constitution as a blueprint in defining national identity in South Africa. This research study sought to examine the national identity markers which were categorised using this blueprint. These markers were furthermore used to examine the curriculum to investigate how and if so, how efficiently, aspects of national identity are covered in the curriculum, by focusing particularly on the Grades 8–12 Life Orientation and Grades 8–9 Social Sciences. It is through this examination that curriculum was identified as being mostly successful in teaching learners about national values and ideals (i.e., national identity).

Browse

Recent Submissions