Die sosiale eenhede van die Bakoni ba Dikgale wat die beginsel van verwantkap as grondslag het

Abstract

The Bakoni ba Dikgale seceded from the Bakoni ba Matlala shortly after 1700 and established themselves in the present tribal area, 50 km North-East of Pietersburg, where they came into contact with Venda and Ndebele groups .. The influence of these groups is clearly discerni= ble in Dikgale culture. Marriage among the Dikgale constitutes a relationship between two lineages. The importance of these affinal ties is of an accumulating nature and reaches its hight through the birth of the first child. Adulthood is a prerequisite for marriage, that is to say, marriage partners must be initiated. The organizing of initiation ceremonies today is a ward matter and is not done on a tribal scale anymore. .Marriage is preferred in order of preference with the maternal uncle's daughter, the fa= ther's sisterts daughter, a ba rangwane and a ba ramogolo relative. A man may, however, not marry his direct descendant or ascendant. Secondary conjugal relations such as the sororate and levirate are also to be found. Sororal supplementation is possible where a man claims his deceased wife's sister as a substitute; where a man claims his barren wife's sister as an ancillary and where a marriage is concluded for the maintenance of the lwapa. Post-marital settlement is patrilocal. Among the Dikgale monogamous (nuclear) and polygynous families arc dislinguishcd. A separate lwapa must be provided for each wife that is married. Some malwapa may accommodate female relatives, not married by the head of the malwapa. The family may be regarded as a procreatio= nal, educational, economic, religious, judicial and po= litical unit. The important role fulfilled by a person's kgadi in the establishment of his lwapa and also in re= ligious matters pertaining to the the family, may be ascribed to Venda influence. Relationship patterns in the family are based on patrilineal descent and the form of marriage. Patrilineal relatives dominate the functioning of society because status is lineally determined and patrilineal descendants usually reside together. Matrilineal rela= tives provide a sanctuary in times of threat. Conduct towards them is at all times spontaneous. This is par= ticularly the case in respect of the mother's brother. The formal relations with affinal relatives are normally tempered by the reciprocal presentation of gifts. The leloko concept among the Dikgale embraces all three of these categories of relatives. The key to kinship re= lations and the concomitant behaviour patterns is to be found in the reciprocal terms used by siblings in addres= sing each other. Three residential units based on descent, may be <listing= uished among the Dikgale, namely the motse, the mmoto and the tribe. The traditional settlement pattern in motse context has today been disturbed by the delimitation of residential plots. A few semi-traditional metse are, however, still to be found on tribal farms. Within the mmoto different metse of which most of the inhabitants are related to one another, can be distinguished. The tribe comprises a nucleus of patrilineal relatives with various groups of extra tribal extraction added onto it. Some of these foreign groups are, due to kinship obligations, related to the nucleus. Most of the foreign groups have adopted the culture of the nucleus. Some, however, have maintained their own identity.

Afrikaans: Die Dikgale het net na 1700 van die Bakoni ba Matlala afgesplits en hulle in die huidige stamgebied, 50 km noordoos van Pietersburg, gevestig, waar hulle met Vendaen Ndebele-elemente in aanraking gekom het. Die invloed van hierdie groepe is duidelik in die Dikgalekultuur waarneembaar. Die huwelik by die Dikgale is 'n verbintenis tussen twee liniere groepe. Die verbintenis is van 'n aangroeiende aard wat eers met die geboorte van 'n kind finaal bestendig word. Albei die deelgenote in 'n huwelik moet volwasse wees, d.w.s. die inisiasieseremonies deurloop het. Hierdie seremonies vind vandag op 'n wyksbasis plaas. Daar word van 'n man verwag om in orde van voor= keur met sy matrilaterale kruisniggie, patrilaterale kruisniggie, 'n ba rangwane- en ba ramogolo-verwant te trou. 'n Man moet egter nie met 'n direkte afkomsgenoot trou nie. Sekondere verbintenisse soos sororale aanvul= ling en lwapa-instandhouding dien enersyds as waarborg dat bestaande egverbintenisse nie ontbind nie en andersyds dat daar 'n erfgenaam in 'n lwapa gebore sal word. Inwoning na die huwelik is patrilokaal. Die Dikgale onderskei monogame gesinne en poliginiese gesinne-eenhede. Vir elke vrou in so 'n eenheid word 'n lwapa voorsien. Sommige malwapa huisves egter ook vrouens wat nie deur die gesagvoerder oor die lwapa getrou is nie. Die gesin kan beskou word as 'n voortplantings-, opvoedings-, ekonomiese-, religieuse- en regs- en regeringseenheid. Die belangrike rol wat 'n persoon se kgadi byvoorbeeld in die aanleg van sy lwapa en in religieuse aangeleenthede speel, kan aan Venda-invloed toegeskryf word. Die verhoudingspatrone in die gesin word deur die stelsel van patriliniere afkomsrekening en die vorm van die huwelik bepaal. Patriliniere verwante speel 'n dominante rol in die samelewing omdat rang binne liniere-(lesika-)verband bepaal word en afkomsgenote gewoonlik saamwoon. Moedersverwante is 'n toevlugsoot'd in moeilike omstandighede en die verhouding met hulle is besonder spontaan. Dit geld veral die verhouding met die moedersbroer. Die formele verhouding met aanverwante word deur wedersydse geskenk= lewering gekenmerk. Al drie kategoriee verwante by die Dikgale word deur die leloko-begrip omvat. Die sleutel tot die verwantskapsverhoudinge en gedragspatrone word, afgesien van ander kriteria, veral gevind in die wedersydse terme wat 'n kroosgroep teenoor mekaar gebruik. Drie samewonenede eenhede wat op afkoms gebaseer is, kan by die Dikgale onderskei word, nl. die motse, die mmoto en die starn. Die tradisionele vestigingspatroon in rnotse-verband word deur perseelafbakening in die huidige tyd versteur. Enkele semi-tradisionele rnetse word egter nog op stamplase aangetref. Binne 'n rnmoto, wat territoriaal afgebaken is, word veskillende rnetse, waarvan die meeste aan mekaar verwant is, onderskei. Die stam bestaan uit 'n kerngroep van verwante en verskillende vreemdelinggroepe. Sommige vreemdelinggroepe is deur verwantskapsverpligtinge deegliker as ander aan die kerngroep verbind. Die rneeste vreerndelinggroepe het die kultuur van die kerngroep oorgeneern. Daar is egter ook diesulkes wat hulle eie identiteit behou het.